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Participants reported that (a) the events extend the boundary of the national group, using participation to define who counts as Irish; (b) the events strategically represent the nature of the national group, maximising positive images and managing stereotypical representations (c) symbolism serves to unify the group but can also disrupt already fragile unity, and so must be managed. Overall, this points to a strategic identity dimension to these crowd events. We discuss the implications of these findings for future research in terms of the role of largescale celebratory events in the strategic representation of everyday social identities..

Yet despite this little is known about the lives of international migrants in the UK from their own perspectives, and there is relatively little social research (educational) with which to contextualise the migration statistics or evaluate the claims of the British press.This thesis starts by discussing the impacts of rising international migration on a place, Nottingham. It moves forward to discuss the relationship between UK society, globalisation and international migration to explore the idea that globalisation is reflexive, and that people are able to use what Appadurai (1996) terms the scapes of globalisation to network themselves from poorer regions of the world toward regions where they will experience higher levels of safety, structure and reward for their labours. Investigating the range of statistical, policy, evaluative and scholarly research relating to international migrants in the UK, this thesis focuses in on the need to ‘get beneath’ the statistics, the reports and the evaluations, to understand international migrants, their lives in Britain and their relationships with UK society and its social structures from their own perspectives.

When his mob overran and occupied the Senate and attacked the House and assaulted law enforcement, he watched it on TV like a reality show. He reveled in it. One scene, a Capitol Police officer redirects Sen. The Fal oyster fishery is one small part of it. This is a country wide problem.Some Brexiters including the Conservative MP John Redwood have argued that the government should support the shellfish industry to sell more of its product to UK consumers.Meanwhile, the Scottish National party is calling on the government to demand a “grace period” for Scotland, as it has for Northern Ireland, to allow Scottish exporters, including the fishing sector, more time to get used to the new post Brexit regime.Gove last week conceded there were “serious problems” with the operation of the new Irish Sea border, and called on the EU to delay until 2023 the application of EU customs and product standards.The SNP’s Westminster leader, Ian Blackford, said: “Ultimately, the only way to protect Scotland’s economy is to become an independent country and regain the full trading benefits of EU membership. In the meantime, it is crucial that the UK government delivers the immediate support and financial compensation that Scotland requires including an emergency grace period to mitigate the damage of Brexit.”The Tory government has already sought a grace period for Northern Ireland until 2023 but yet again Scotland’s interests have been sidelined.

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